‘The new criminal justice laws mark an important moment in how independent India will function. It may herald a descent towards greater authoritarian tendencies and a nullifying of the judicial role by reducing personal liberty to a plaything.’
In 2019, soon after securing a resounding electoral majority, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government let it be known that the reform of India’s criminal justice system was part of its agenda for its second term in office. This announcement piqued interests and concern in equal amounts. ‘Reform’, after all, is much like the concept of beauty, carries different meanings for different groups. A ‘reform’ of the criminal justice system in the hands of a government that had built its base on majoritarian promises and policies raised concerns.
These concerns gained substance when, in May 2020, even as the country was under lockdown, the government announced the formation of a Criminal Law Reforms Committee to review the three primary criminal law statutes: the Indian Penal Code of 1860 (IPC), the Indian Evidence Act of 1872 (IEA), and the Criminal Procedure Code of 1973 (Cr.P.C.). The committee did not have a single woman or a single representative from a minority group. Probably there were still some who clung to the hope of a dispassionate exercise by such an unrepresentative body, but most of these hopes fell by the wayside some weeks later when the committee revealed its plans for carrying out the reform effort.
At a time when the elite were coming to grips with ideas of working virtually and the country reeling from the after-effects of the first lockdown (with more to follow), the committee announced an agenda which envisaged completing consultations on three laws – that had a 150-year operational history – within a span of 12 weeks, done entirely by way of responding to online questionnaires with 200-word limits. Criminal law reform in an entrance exam avatar!
A predictable outcry followed and led the committee to change its timelines, extending it to 24 weeks , and doing away with the word limit to boot. Perhaps seeing that the public was not willing to play nice, the pretence of consultations were soon entirely done away with. Not a single response received by the committee was made public; no report prepared by the committee ever made public. Citizens were now left completely at the mercy of leaks to the press speculating what the criminal process may look like, with news suggesting that some interim report may have been prepared and shared. (See here, here, and here)….
https://www.theindiaforum.in/law/codes-sanhitas-power-myths-and-problematic-continuities
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